First Scene: As part of the nation’s 75th anniversary of independence, there was a widespread exhibition of banners commemorating the “Azadi-ka Amrit Mahotsav” across the country. These banners prominently feature images of freedom fighters, albeit obscured behind the 56-inch chest of the Pradhan Sevak. Second Scene: A father bears witness to the funeral rites of his nine-year-old son, Indra. Indra’s untimely demise was the result of fatal injuries inflicted by his schoolteacher. Indra’s crime? Despite belonging to an oppressed caste, he dared to touch a water pitcher belonging to his privileged caste teacher.
This montage from August 2022 paints a grim picture. When individuals like Surekha Bhotmange, Sagar Shejwal, and Indra fall victim to relentless caste discrimination, the supposedly progressive 21st century assumes the role of a passive observer. In this unfortunate country, even a cow might have a chance at survival, but for those born into lowered caste families burdened by centuries of caste oppression, mere existence is criminalised. Shudras, supposedly born from Brahma’s lowly feet, are relegated to the servitude of those deemed superior, born from the mouth, arms, and thighs—representing Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Vaishyas, respectively.
Over time, it has become evident that this societal affliction is not subsiding but rather being exacerbated by the sinister agendas of the fascist regime. According to the National Crime Records Bureau’s annual report released on August 29, 2022, crimes against Scheduled Castes (SCs) increased by 1.2%, while those against Scheduled Tribes (STs) rose by 6.4% in 2021. Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh topped the list for crimes against SCs, with percentages of 25.82%, 14.7%, and 14.1%, respectively. Similarly, for crimes against STs, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Odisha recorded the highest numbers, with percentages of 29.8%, 24%, and 7.6%, respectively. The alarming number of atrocities against women is also notable, with only 7.64% and 15% of SC and ST women, respectively, reported as victims of rape. As of the end of 2021, a total of 70,818 and 12,159 cases of atrocities against SCs and STs, respectively, awaited
investigation, including cases
from previous years. During the same period, 263,512 and 42,512 cases of atrocities against SCs and STs, respectively, were brought to court for trial, with 96.0% and 95.4% of these cases remaining pending by the year’s end. Under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, the conviction rates for SCs and STs under the “SC/ST (PoA) Act” were 36% and 28.1%, respectively. These statistics align with previous years’ reports, indicating a consistent upward trend in violent crimes, including rape, and the acquittal or bail for the accused also remains unchanged. It is essential to note that these statistics are only based on recorded data. On an average, almost 4 Dalit women are being raped every day. In the same year that the nation was rocked by the “Nirbhaya” incident, recorded data reveals: 1574 Dalit women were raped, and 651 were murdered across the country—a stark reminder of the pervasive nature of caste-based violence.
However, gaining a comprehensive understanding of the situation solely through statistical analysis proves challenging. The circumstances are profoundly distressing, with incidents of brutality against Dalits often omitted from mainstream media coverage due to the pervasive control exerted by upper-caste Hindus across various spheres, from local governance to national media outlets. This reality was starkly exemplified by the tragic murder of Surekha Bhotmange and her entire family in 2006 in Khairlanji village, Maharashtra, which elicited shock among the populace, compelling even the media to report on it, albeit reluctantly. Surekha Bhotmange, a marginalized Dalit woman belonging to the Mahar community, resided with her family in the village of Khairlanji, Maharashtra. They endured everyday discrimination and oppression, facing obstacles in accessing even basic necessities such as electricity and water for irrigation. When these injustices reached an intolerable extent, they reluctantly sought assistance from the police, despite the daunting prospect of seeking help as Dalits. This ultimately resulted in the tragic murder of a member of Surekha’s family.
Despite making arrests, the police promptly released the accused on bail, exacerbating the family’s sense of vulnerability. The perpetrators, emboldened by their impunity, didn’t waste much time to teach a lesson to Surekha’s family, just like Ramchandra taught a lesson to Shambuk! The enraged accused, all upper-caste villagers, unleashed their fury on Surekha’s family. Surekha, her 17-year-old daughter Priyanka, and her sons were brutally killed one after another. The boys were told to rape their mother and sister in front of everyone. When they refused, they were beaten to death. Surekha and Priyanka were gang-raped, beaten, and murdered. It is heard that even after their deaths, the brutality continued on their lifeless bodies for a long time. The day was September 29, 2006. Has the situation changed? On May 16, 2015, a mobile phone belonging to 23-year-old Dalit youth Sagar Shejwal rang with a ringtone featuring a song dedicated to Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Consequently, Sagar was brutally beaten and killed by being run over by a motorcycle. Seven years later, just before the 75th anniversary of independence, a 9-year-old Dalit boy named Indra was fatally beaten by a teacher for touching a water pitcher in the village.
Even today, in some places, Dalits don’t have access to basic things like ponds, wells, clean water, land, and electricity. A few years ago, in a village called Daulatpur in Hisar district a person’s hand was chopped off just because he drank water from a well owned by someone from a higher caste. Romantic inter-caste relationships often result in violence, including ‘honour’ killings. And all of this happens with impunity from the police and administration.
Whether help can be obtained from the police is also determined by caste. So, the “Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989” law has also turned out to be quite laughable, especially where the protectors of the law themselves have
not been able to get rid of their caste prejudices. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s comment on this vile caste system is, therefore, equally important even today- “There cannot be a more degrading system of social organization than the caste system. It is the system that deadens, paralyses, and cripples the people from helpful activities.”
Dr. Ambedkar has never been accorded a proper place in mainstream Indian history. For some unknown reason, there has always been an invisible sinister attempt to confine him within certain boundaries. So, to the privileged castes, he is only the author of the Constitution of India. His struggle against the caste system and Brahminical hierarchy, his modern thinking, etc. have naturally been crushed under the history written by the Brahminical rulers. The words ‘Ambedkar’ and ‘Constitution’ have become synonymous with each other.
Therefore, even in the twenty-first century, as our nation grapples with the persistent illness of caste-based discrimination, there arises a compelling necessity for a thorough reassessment of Dr. Ambedkar’s holistic legacy. He is a teacher, who teaches us to question, against all ancient dogmas, against oppression, against the monopoly of the opprressor caste that has been practised for hundreds of years. For thousands of years this inequality has been nurtured, made more entrenched. Hence reservation policies that are only a few decades old, the necessity and application of which are still widely debated, are naturally incapable of bridging this huge gap. His “Annihilation of Caste” is relevant even today. He made this text in the form of a speech in 1936. He was supposed to deliver the speech on behalf of a group called “Jat-Pat Todak Mandal” to highlight the ill-effects of caste discrimination in society. But the speech was so controversial that after reading its draft, the reformist group of Hindus decided to scrap the speech. Hence, Ambedkar on his own initiative printed it under the title “Annihilation of Caste”
and distributed it. The gatekeepers of Hindu scriptures often argue that scriptures are misinterpreted, it’s not an inherent fault. They emphasize the scriptures as eternal truths, imperishable, and immutable. In ‘Annihilation of Caste’ Babasaheb wrote, “It is no use telling people that the shastras do not say what they are believed to say, if they are grammatically read or logically interpreted. What matters is how the shastras have been understood by people.”
Another fallacy, often used to defend the caste system, is that the Vedas divide people based on their actions, so a person’s birth cannot determine his caste. Although seemingly a very plausible view, Ambedkar challenged its practical acceptance with irrefutable arguments. He wanted to know- “How are you going to compel people who have acquired a higher status based on birth, without reference to their worth, to vacate that status? How are you going to compel people to recognize the status due to a man, in accordance to his worth, who is occupying a lower status based on his birth?”
The answer to this question is still not found. One of the main reasons is lack of intent. Therefore, despite the existence of reservation policies, in many cases the actual implementation of these policies and the number of benefits derived from that implementation are minimal. A Dalit has to pass high school to be eligible for the reservation policy. As such only one out of every four Dalits can benefit from this policy. The remaining three must worry about their livelihoods before entering high school due to various socio-economic reasons. Hence the reservation policy has not become as effective as its historical necessity demanded. Once Ambedkar also said – “if the fundamental rights are opposed by the community, no Law, no Parliament, no Judiciary can guarantee them in the real sense of the word”. This is equally important today as much as it was back then.
