The passing away of Ratan Tata on October 9 was followed by a wave of mourning and anguish from mainstream media. He was being referred to as ‘India’s most humble businessman’, ‘secular living saint’, ‘visionary’, ‘humanitarian’ etc., which spared no shortage of words that eulogised his legacy. However, that is hardly enough to cover the trail of blood he left behind. In the evening of November 4 in 2009, Manmohan Singh put forth a very interesting admission. “The systematic exploitation and social and economic abuse of our tribal communities can no longer be tolerated”. There are no short words to describe the tall legacy of Adivasi struggle in Indian political consciousness and history. Perhaps it is unsurprising that Tata’s legacy has been knee deep in crimes against Adivasis. On January 2, 2006, police opened fire on Adivasi villagers that gathered to protest against the construction of the boundary wall of Tata’s steel plant in Kalinganagar, Odisha. This killed thirteen villagers, including a 14-year-old boy. Additionally, the bodies of both a woman and child were found to be mutilated. Subsequent years and decades saw massive displacements and loss of livelihood. Today, Kalinganagar hosts a multitude of plants from many companies despite persistent Adivasi pressure.
In Bastar, Salwa Judum, an anti-Naxal terror squad sponsored by the Chhattisgarh government and mining corporations have conducted indiscriminate massacres and exploitation. The infamous militia holds close to 80,000 Adivasi in camps relocated from displaced lands. This is in the background of Tata’s aggressive involvement in land acquisition of 2000+ hectares of Adivasi land, enabled by state violence.
Similarly, Bihar police force massacred 8 unarmed Adivasis inside a hospital in an event called Gua massacre. This was widely believed to be conducted by the state under the pressure of the Tata group against Adivasi agitation.
In 2006, Ratan Tata announced the construction of a Nano car manufacturing plant in Singur, West Bengal. A forced acquisition of close to 1000 acres of fertile land was conducted, spurring widespread agitation from farmers. The Tata Group withdrew from West Bengal in 2008, ceding defeat. Additionally, similar cases of forcible land acquisition were conducted in Jamshedpur and Munnar.
The secret calls regarding Tata’s payment to political parties during the Singur agitation was discovered. The Niira Radia tapes which consisted of leaked telephone calls between politicians, journalists, business tycoons shook the mainstream media in 2009. It also unraveled the 2G spectrum scam. This leak also contained Ratan Tata’s calls which turned controversial. He filed a Supreme Court case citing infringement of privacy that he eventually won. Nevertheless, the nexus between the state and corporations was revealed in its bare form. This deep connection was further observed in the electoral bond data which showed that a hefty 75% donation received by the ruling BJP was from Tata group. While, this sort of point may be unsurprising after witnessing the cases of Adivasi violence, where state institutions like the police were wielded as weapons against the people. This nexus is a cause for us to re-contextualize the implicit injustice that violate our fundamental rights. To empower and prioritise corporate entities over women’s bodies, children’s future and against the simple dignity of existence. To rape, pillage, kill and deny aspirations all in an endless race to secure profit.
Tata group’s indifference against violence didn’t just flow outside of their factories, but inside too. Increasing cases of safety lapses consequently led to multiple fatalities. Falls, equipment failures, chemical leaks etc. have been reported across several plants and across several departments within it. Despite extending condolences, and claiming responsibility, meaningful response can only be seen in outcomes. The rise in cases of safety mishaps speaks otherwise. Tata’s passivity regarding safety concerns is in contrast with active actions of union busting. The history of the Tata workers’ union in India is claimed to be one of the oldest in India. This surprising longevity can be explained by the lack of a single case of strikes since 1928. Does this mean the worker’s views were adequately represented by the management? Starting from 1991, Tata’s workforce was cut down from 78000 to 40000 over ten years and yet saw no strikes from the union. Fear may be a factor too. Two of the union’s presidents- Abdul Bari in 1947 and VG Gopal in 1993 were gunned down. When the union in Tata’s UK plant saw friction with management, disputes over union busting were observed.
The corporation’s actions speak closer to being misanthropic than philanthropic. Their involvement in the cover-up of the man-made disaster of Bhopal gas tragedy is a fine example of this phenomenon. In a letter discovered in 2014, evidence had been found that JRD Tata had lobbied on behalf of Union Carbide and infamous warmonger diplomat, Henry Kissinger (whose consultancy represented Union carbide). This letter was written to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi who replied, “The suggestions will be given consideration”. Coincidently, criminal charges and civil proceedings on the company were dropped next year. The Supreme court ordered a settlement which concluded with the compensation of $470 million which was far below the original fine of $3.3 billion demanded by the Indian government. The spirit of JRD’s legacy was also inherited by his son. Union Carbide which was acquired by Dow Chemical sought re-entry into the Indian market with the backing of Ratan Tata. Tata’s intergenerational complicity in a tragedy that claimed 30000 lives is quite sickening. This doesn’t just end here. Tata group’s defense products and arms have found its place in Israel during the ongoing genocide in Gaza. Land Rovers turned armoured vehicles, weapon components and electrical equipment sold by Tata enabled brutality against the Palestinian people. The company’s war profiteering extended even to the Myanmar military Junta which orchestrated a coup against the democratically elected government. The junta unravelled decades of progress, jailed, tortured and killed thousands of civilians. Tata’s defence products also flowed into the hands of the Indian military, specifically in Kashmir.
What more? The Tatas made their early fortune through the trade of opium in the 19th century, contributing to the economic and social devastation of the Chinese people.
Studies have concluded that India’s current inequality is worse than colonial times. The genesis of the Tata group was through active support and continual nurturing of British imperialism. Looking into the reflection of Tata is to look at the very face of Indian capitalism. Tata’s criminal legacy is only symptomatic of a structural folly that riddles the core of capitalism itself. A folly without which Tata’s legacy cannot be illustrated.
