On August 19 after a cabinet meeting, the Siddaramaiah government announced its own matrix for internal reservation (sub-classification) for scheduled castes in Karnataka. But the decision leaves glaring issues in its wake despite relative progress.
17.5% of Karnataka’s population is SCs, according to the 2011 census. The community has 17% reservation which was raised from 15% until recently. But historical divisions and differential levels of oppression meant that groups within the community required differential social justice outcomes translating into the requirement for sub-classification and internal reservations. The state government formed the Sadashiva Commission in 2005 whose recommendation was rejected in 2024 due to the constitutional limits of providing sub-classification. This ended in a Supreme court verdict on August 1, 2024 that finally provided judicial affirmation in Karnataka. To classify 101 castes of Karnataka, the Siddaramaiah government constituted a new committee under Justice Nagmohan Das last year.
The Das committee produced a report that classified the reservation matrix (quotas to be divided within the 17%) into roughly five groups given in the following table along with the percentage reservation and populations.
The most backward are the Dalit nomad groups who have received the least affirmative action, followed by Madigas, Holeyas and Touchables. The reservation was finalised based on population size and their relative social backwardness. But the last category is complicated. Several communities identify themselves within three caste groups (rather than their original castes): Adi Karnataka (AK), Adi Dravida (AD), Adi Andhra (AA). These communities had Madigas and Holeyas classifying themselves into AA, AK and AD instead. This problem warranted the creation of a new group (E). That meant communities with different levels of backwardness (Madigas and Holeyas) would be classified under the same group E defeating the purpose. To solve this, the government conducted surveys which successfully reduced the group E size from its initial 40 lakhs to 4 lakhs.
The report was contested. The Holeyas claimed many from their caste to be included in other groups, reducing their population and inevitably diminishing reservation allocated to them. However, Madigas and Dalit Nomad groups agitated to implement the recommendation. But the implementation of the Das committee matrix did not materialise. Instead, the government made its own reservation matrix doing away with the recommendation. The new matrix is shown below:
Group C includes both the ‘Touchables’ and Dalit nomadic communities, pairing the most backward with the most forward group. This is completely antithetical to the essence of the exercise. The right and voice of Dalit nomadic groups have seldom seen materialisation due to their marginalisation and this decision necessitates them to compete with the group that historically enjoyed the most benefit from reservations.
Secondly, the group E from the Das committee matrix was dissolved entirely. The government mandated them to avail reservation from group A and B. This means that without completing the survey, anyone from group E with differing levels of backwardness can choose to join group A and B, creating another contradiction. Moreover, the existing survey from Das committee report classifies group E to be more forward than both group A and B. Group E secured 5.5% of government job reservation compared to 0.96% of the Madigas and 1.46% of the Holeyas. This violates the rights of group A and B who would have to compete with group E in the new matrix. The group E could not be classified because they did not register their original caste. This means that the matrix would provide opportunities to those who did not register their caste while denying the same to those who did.
The nomadic Dalit community has the weakest resources and capacity to collectively demand. The Madigas and several progressive groups of the state support them. But the CM is adamant on the decision, crushing hopes of reversing this betrayal. The necessity for solving these contradictions are vital, lest it defeats the very purpose of sub-classification that the SC community fought for.
